This overview has included 30 issues of Alem (from 2 March 2001 up until 16 March 2002). The Magasine was published (with some exceptions) in a fourteen-day rhythm; starting with the 24^th issue, it became a weekly (occasionally appearing after ten days) newspaper. Ever since, the newspaper has had the system of self-financing (since international donations ceased) – the fact that reflected on the profile of the Magasine, which then assumed a new entertainment addition and more generally-orientated topics.

The main focus of Alem remains the struggle for affirmation of Bosnian language and its appreciation in educational system, media and political communication. The Magasine insists on Bosnian language in the education at all levels, specially in the areas where Bosniaks make the majority. The Alem affirms positive examples and addresses its criticism to Kosovo authorities and the international mission in Kosovo, due to the lack of understanding they show for these Bosniaks’ needs. Special emphasis is laid on the discriminatory stance (ranging up to death threats) of Albanian nationalists against Bosniaks who are publicly using Bosnian language, because of its similarities with the Serbian. The issues of the Magasine’s criticism addressed to international representatives includs a too small number of pre-electoral posters in Bosnian language and their prompt removal from public places as soon as they would appear, sending Albanian language electoral forms to Bosniaks in Diaspora, and their overall failure to understand that national and political connotations laying in the background of the Bosnian and the Serb languages remain different. Despite all difficulties and resistance they encountered, Bosniaks managed to get satisfaction when Bosnian language was accepted as one of the languages of legislative and legal documents at the level of Kosovo, and when it was recognised as official language in Prizren and Peć. In Bosniak-majority areas, Bosnian language has became a teaching language at all levels of educational system. The Alem also offers information on Bosnian-language broadcasts in electronic media and the related financial problems. When it comes to linguistic affirmation of Bosniaks, the main problem remains in the apparent absence of personnel and learning-books (the former are obtained from BiH).

In the interpretation of editorial priorities, the Alem condemns the “mentality of subservience" and the “national inferiority" of Bosniaks in Kosovo, standing for the establishment of national platform and setting up associations of Bosniak political organisations and intellectuals. The magasine insists on affirmation of Bosniak autochthony although, within the analysis period, no elaborate texts on the ethno-genesis of Kosovo Bosniaks appeared, with the exception of a series of articles covering folklore thematic. Some among the texts even contain idealisation of Bosniaks’ attributes. Special attention is paid to Goranians (population of the area of Gora); the magasine stands for the view that they are originally Bosniaks, although they themselves have a number of diverse interpretations of their own identity. Some among them want to be called only Goranians, while others regard themselves as Serbian language speaking Goranians. The author of one article relates to them as “goranians”, thus suggesting a geographic term (incorrectly though, as geographic terms should also be written with first capital letter). So, the Alem is imposing pressure on Goranians in terms of their national determination, although the Magasine published some opposing views, too.

The Magasine has never published a reliable information on the number of Bosniaks in Kosovo. Namely, this information is given sporadically by the regions, in reference with the 1981 census; those who then declared themselves as Muslims, are now regarded Bosniaks. However, the fighters for affirmation of Bosniaks in Kosovo were deeply struck by the detail that Bosniak-orientated parties received only around 11000 votes in the elections, while at the same time the texts spoke about tens of thousands of Bosniaks living only in the areas of Prizren, Priština, Peæ, Mitrovica – however, adding a note on a large number of Bosniak refugees due to war, discrimination and poverty.

What remains in the center of Alem’s attention is the Greater-Serbian politics and its consequences. Among other things, the Magasine brings and makes interviews with Serbs who expose the politics from the times of Slobodan Miloševiæ’s regime. The criticism is directed against nationalistic actions of Serbs in Kosovo, particularly on the example of Mitrovica as a divided town, where Bosniaks (from Bosniak Mahala [Quarter])  are placed in an highly thankless position, standing on the way both to Serbian and Albanian extremists – either for their nationality and religion, or for their language. On a number of occasions, the Alem has stongly criticised Albanian nationalists, noting that over 60 Bosniaks were killed in Kosovo after the war, while hundreds were forced out of their apartments and businesses. The magasine also publishes interviews with and comments by the Albanians who criticise Albanian extremism. The Alem accuses both Serbian and Albanian nationalists for their aspirations to assimilate Bosniaks, and insists on multi-national character of Kosovo, the need of tolerance and life together. In this contexts, it issues criticism of bi-national option (Albanians and Serbs) against the multi-ethnic concept of Kosovo. The magasine affirms the examples of life together in Kosovo, laying special stress on relations with Albanians. A great deal of space is devoted to minority groups in Kosovo, particularly Turks, then the Roma [Gypsies]; one text covers the position of Ashkalis, while “Egyptians” are mentioned only casually.

The international peacekeeping mission in Kosovo is criticised due to its inefficiency, bureaucratic approach, lack of care for minority groups and discriminatory attitude towards them, and the stand of negligence in respect of the needs and interests of Bosniaks. Generally speaking, the magasine accepts the current legally-political status of Kosovo and the role on international factor, without getting involved into the issue of finding “final solution” to the problem of Kosovo. With apparent interest, the magasine reports on happenings in the neighbourhood, specially in FRY and Macedonia.

The Alem magasine treats Bosnia and Herzegovina as a parental land, which does not take care of Bosniaks who live in Kosovo, with Reis u-l-ulema Mustafa Ef. Cerić as a positive exception in this context. The Bosniaks of Kosovo delightfully cheered the visits of BiH delegation lead by Sejfudin Tokić, chairman of the House of Peoples in BiH Parliament, and the delegation of “Vatan” Coalition, which was granted top reception in Sarajevo (among the highest-level officials they met was also Beriz Belkić, Chairing President in the BiH Presidency), primarily by Bosniak politicians, though. During the monitoring period, the Magasine continuously published feuilleton based on the book written by Hamza Imamović about the collapse of SFRY and aggression against BiH, and the book by Svetlana Broz about different people’s destinies during the war in BiH. The presence of topics and personalities coming from BiH is generally exceedingly common in the news and texts, both by contributors and from other sources. The Magasine is also highly interested in Bosniaks from FRY, specially those living in SandĹľak and Montenegro.

The Alem Magasine (editor in chief: Nadira Avdić Vlassi) remains an expression of the needs of Bosniaks from Kosovo, who are still engaged in the quest of their ethnic, cultural and political identity in a highly specific and painstaking political, economic and social atmosphere. The Magasine makes an equally attractive media reading for people of a different standpoint, due to continuing political uncertainty of the future of Kosovo, as a key regional and European issue.  

Zija Dizdarević is columnist in Sarajevo daily Oslobođenje. ©Media Online 2002.