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Media News Media News is a fifteen-day service which speaks about the media situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the most important media events, media legislation, relations between the media and the state and international community… D I G E S T No 57, Vol I Sarajevo, May 2, 2000. If
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to Media News, Issue 57
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The new owners of the oldest Bosnian-Herzegovinian daily “Oslobodjenje”
are 141 employees, General Manager Salko Hasanefendic, and Temin Dedic,
a strategic partner from Germany who publishes “Oslobodjenje’s” foreign
edition. Instead of the starting 2.8 million marks, the employees, who
were the only participants in the tender, offered 4.82 million marks.The
strategic investor, who paid the ready-money participation and helped the
employees take part in the tender, plans to continue investing in the paper.
The recent local elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina pointed to positive changes in the political, as well as the media sphere in this country, confirming the slow, but certain liberalization processes. Compared to the character of media operation during the series of earlier elections, there was a noticeable decline in complaints regarding the work of media, as well as complaints regarding political party conduct towards media, which is certainly a positive general indicator that the standard of functioning of these actors during the election period was raised. This development is an ideal indicator of the overall socio-economic and political situation in the country. Development of the media sphere from 1996 to 2000, and in particular the conduct of media and political actors during elections, shows that a fierce battle is being fought along two key lines representing the power distribution in the present situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina: · the transition from an authoritarian system of rule towards democratic society is one of the key processes that determines overall events in the country, · the multi-ethnic reconciliation process is a pre-condition of stability in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in the entire region (ESI, 1999). The character of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s present organization may best be described as an illiberal democracy (Zakaria, 1997) – a system in which the government is chosen in free elections, but there are no mechanisms of power distribution, and therefore institutions for protecting the individual from this, homogenous government do not function. In such conditions, a government chosen in elections and concentrated in a single (national) party penetrates all segments of life, completely neglecting the rights of individuals, which are constitutionally guaranteed in liberal western democracies. As an excellent study made by the European Stability Initiative (ESI, 1999) has shown, this government system in Bosnia-Herzegovina has led to almost feudal principles of power distribution, in which the whole system of governing ethnically homogenous territory is concentrated in the hands of a narrow circle of officials from ruling parties. As a consequence of such relations, even media themselves were subject to almost complete control of the ruling structures, which was particularly noticeable during and immediately after the war. The media scene in Bosnia-Herzegovina in that period was characterized by a non-existent public sphere and public opinion, prevented media access for opposition actors and members of “other” peoples (particularly in the case of official state media), violations of the fundamental rights to information and freedom of expression, including physical deterrence of journalists through imprisonment, attacks, destruction of equipment, and so on. Creation of Regulatory Mechanisms: 1996-1998 As a consequence of the general socio-economic and political conditions, the conduct of most media during the national 1996 elections and local 1997 elections was very problematic. Media seriously compromised these elections, continuing the inflammatory practice from the wartime period, while the media space remained divided along ethnic lines. This self-containment and exclusiveness of media resulted in that the elections had the character of an ethnic census of the population or even a secession referendum, rather than being a democratic election of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s future authorities. Media were used primarily as generators of fear among ethnic groups, not as a tool for producing and distributing relevant information. In this situation, the very principle of voting was reduced to an irrational act of self-isolation and distancing from “other” ethnic groups, and by no means had the character of a democratic voting of citizens on future forms of government in the country. Numerous cases of election blackout violations were registered since the OSCE did not have, or was unable to use mechanisms for punishing perpetrators (Wheeler, 1996; Media Plan Institute, 1997; Domi, 1998:12). Still, in 1997 initial significant progress was made towards establishing certain principles and mechanisms of regulating media conduct in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Certainly the most important action was the seizure of SRT transmitters by SFOR due to inflammatory language and language of hatred regarding the 1997 local elections. In addition to this, that year for the first time candidates were removed from election lists: three HDZ candidates were removed after HTV Mostar refused to follow directives of the Media Commission. A political party was punished, not a media organization which acted as an extended arm of political power. During the 1997 elections, there was noticeable progress in professionalization of several independent media, in particular OBN, the Sarajevo dailies “Oslobodjenje” and “Vecernje novine”, and the Banja Luka daily “Dnevne nezavisne novine”, which promoted political pluralism by giving considerable coverage to opposition parties. However, even these media gave priority to parties based in the entities that they themselves are from. It was only during the 1998 election period that an efficient regulation mechanism started to be created. The Media Experts Commission operating within the OSCE used its mandate to resolve 201 allegations of inappropriate media conduct during the election period. It was found that media organizations mostly adhered to the Provisional Election Commission Rules and Regulations, and that the influence of hard-liners on media in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a whole had declined. Different parties were given access even to government-controlled media, which had not earlier been the case in this country. Candidates from 83 political parties and independent candidates had access to some 207 radio stations and more than 70 television stations. During the election campaign, presidential and other debates for candidacy to senior positions were held for the first time. It may be said that the well-argumented presentation of candidates and relevance of information became very important campaign aspects, and voters were regularly informed for the first time about all aspects of the election process (Domi, 1998: 7-9). However, despite considerable progress in media conduct during the 1998 elections, cases of harassment of journalists on the part of the police and authorities continued to be reported throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina. The ruling structures continued to obstruct freedom of expression in media and often violated journalists’ rights to seek and collect information. It was also noticed that immediately following the elections, media returned to their old principles of biased reporting and discrimination against opposition parties (Domi, 1999:8). According to Media Plan Institute analysis, citizens were informed about the election procedure much more than they were able to find out what the nominated candidates or parties running in the elections were offering in their platforms. Namely, most parties actually did not develop their platforms, and instead addressed voters with general proclamations and goals. That is why media reproduced an anemic promotional picture of political parties based more or less on global national or partisan platforms and goals. This problem was also noticed in the 2000 local elections. In a debate aired on OBN program in March 2000, most of the prominent participants agreed that election programs on television and radio were “boring,” “uninventive”, and “sloganeering.” Liberalization of the Media Sphere: The 2000 Elections Despite objective difficulties, the processes of systematizing regulatory mechanisms, and the accompanying media liberalization, are continuing. According to general impressions and assessments of the IMC, during the election campaign for the local elections held in April of 2000, broadcasters generally adhered to the Code for Elections, and print media paid a lot of attention to the rules effective in election periods, particularly those related to election blackout. Pursuant to this, the number of complaints regarding media conduct and political party activities towards media declined by 50 percent in comparison to the 1998 elections. Namely, the IMC received a total of 86 complaints by April 7, of which 35 were filed by broadcasters and 51 by political subjects. The change in the character of the lodged complaints is very significant: more and more journalists were reporting incidents that resulted from political pressure (OSCE BiH Press Release, April 7, 2000). Based on this, it can be assumed that regulatory mechanisms have undergone further institutionalization, and that progress has occurred from punishing media for violations to protection of media from outside pressure. This could indicate a gradual distancing of media from political mechanisms of power and control, as well as a process of liberalization of the media sphere as a whole. It is very significant that journalists are increasingly using the existing mechanisms to protect their freedom, which points to enhanced reputation of the IMC as the fundamental regulatory body. It seems that media in Bosnia-Herzegovina are entering a new development phase, in which they will further distance themselves from political power structures. The IMC will certainly play the key role in these processes, but the process of media privatization will also considerably shape the future character of the media scene in Bosnia-Herzegovina. However, we should not fool ourselves into thinking that the political actors are willingly accepting this development. Aware that one of the basic tools for maintaining power is slipping away, authoritarian political structures are still trying to put pressure on media in order to prolong their privileged position in the public sphere as much as they can. For example, “dominant political parties tried to influence editorial decisions related to the content of news of election character, as well as promotional program broadcast during the pre-election period” (Regan McCarthy, OSCE Senior Media Advisor, published in OSCE BiH Press Release, 7 April, 2000). The latest pressure on journalists from the independent radio station Studio N in Livno, as well as the symptomatic reaction of the cantonal government, are only an illustration that political power centers, officially or undercover, have not given up their intentions towards journalists. This certainly points to a continuation of the struggle for information domination, which is one of the key factors of maintaining and reproducing power in the present-day Bosnia-Herzegovina. (T. Jusic) Sources: Domi, Tanya L., Media in the 1998 Elections – Final Report; Media Experts Commission, OSCE Mission to Bosnia-Herzegovina, November 1998. ESI, Reshaping International Priorities in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Part 1: Bosnian Power. Structures, European Stability Initiative, Berlin-Brussels-Sarajevo, 14 October 1999. Media Plan Institute, Monitoring Report, Media Plan Institute, Sarajevo, September 21, 1997. OSCE BiH, Press Release: Ruling Parties Continue to Put Pressure on Media in Election Period, Sarajevo, 7 April 2000. Media News, SAFAX/MP Institute, 1998-2000. Wheeler, Mark & Media Plan, Monitoring the Media: The Bosnian Elections 1996; The Institute for War & Peace Reporting, 1997. Zakaria, Fareed, The Rise of Illiberal Democracy, Foreign Affairs, November/December 1997. ¨ News Regional Radio Program Production and Exchange Project The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) and 10 radio stations from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Yugoslavia and Croatia launched a project called “Fresta,” consisting of production and exchange of radio program related to common burning problems in the region, such as return of refugees and democratization processes. Project implementation is due to start July 1. Resources were provided by the Government of Denmark. In addition to the media part, the project also includes segmented presentations on human rights, refugees and youth care. Mehmed Husic Re-Elected Independent Union of Journalists President The Election Assembly of the Independent Union of Journalists of Bosnia-Herzegovina re-elected Mehmed Husic, director and editor-in-chief of ONASA News Agency, for president. Award to Kemal Kurspahic The International Press Institute (IPI), a Vienna-based organization of world press publishers dealing with promotion and protection of press freedom, proclaimed heroes of the struggle for press freedom in the world in the past 50 years, among whom is Kemal Kurspahic, former editor-in-chief of the Sarajevo daily “Oslobodjenje” (1988-1994). Journalist Guide on Human Rights Sarajevo-based Media Plan Institute published a Guide for writing on human rights intended for journalists and journalism students. The book contains a historic genesis and review of international instruments for human rights and humanitarian law, local and foreign legislation on freedom of expression and press freedom, and an overview of the state of human rights in Bosnia-Herzegovina. A special section is dedicated to useful suggestions for journalists on how to write on human rights and investigate their violations. To Our Colleagues: We Cordially Congratulating on May 3rd – the World Press Freedom Day!
Council:Media Plan Institute Prof. Dr. Muhamed Nuhic, Hamza Baksic (Sarajevo); Perica Vucinis (Banja Luka); M.S. Lenart Setinc (Ljubljana); Prof. Dr. Mario Plenkovic (Zagreb); M.S. Loius de la Ronciere (Paris); M.S. Aleksandar Todorovic (Montreaux); Prof. Dr. Slavo Kukic (Mostar), Prof.Dr. Miroljub Radojkovic (Beograd). |