SUBSCRIPTION

No 67, Vol I 

Media Plan Institute has conducted an extensive monitoring project on the public service and advertising programming of the two main public broadcasters in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Radio and TV of Bosnia and Herzegovina (RTVBiH) in the Federation and Radio and TV of Republic of Srpska (RTRS) in Republika Sprska, as well as the following commercial broadcasters: Open Broadcast Network (OBN), Independent TV Hayat (NTV Hayat), Independent TV Studio 99 (NTV Studio 99) in the Federation of BiH, and Alternative TV (ATV), TV Bel and Independent TV of Banjaluka (Nezavisna TV Banjaluka) from the Republic of Srpska. The research was conducted under a contract from IREX ProMedia, which carries out media development and assistance programs for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
IREX has stated that its purpose in sponsoring this research is to assist the international community in developing sound, practical policies in its current efforts to reform public broadcasting in BiH.
The main findings of this research are:
The programs of RTVBH and RTRS consistently fall short of the IMC’s 40% minimum amount of public service broadcasting, averaging 32.25% and 29.93% respectively in May. In four weeks of monitoring, RTVBH never exceeded 34% and RTRS never exceeded 30%.
In contrast, public service programming broadcast by two of the six private stations Media Plan monitored—OBN and NTV 99—consistently exceeded 40%, even though this requirement does not apply to them.
Following IMC definitions, NTV Studio 99 achieved the highest proportion of public service broadcasting (53% on a weekly average), but this was due to a large quantity of news and interviews repeated from the previous day, and to the station’s limited entertainment offering. OBN’s public service programming averaged 42.52%. NTV Hayat averaged 33.22% of public service programming, pushing RTVBH and RTRS into 4th and 5th place respectively.
Thus the 40% minimum appears practical, and may even be too low to establish a clear distinction between public and private broadcasting.
 

*  Media In the Eve of the Elections

Media News continue to monitor the media situation during the preelections campaign in the countries of South East Europe. In this issue, we bring about information and analyses provided by our associates from Yugoslavia, i.e. Serbia and Montenegro, and Macedonia. 
 

* Serbia (24th September)

Judging by the bipolarisation of the media in Serbia, harshness and tone of reporting primarily by those state-controlled, zeal of their journalists and their unscrupulous editing policy, it is fairly easy to deduce a rather dramatic conclusion: actual elections results will not yield any effect and there will be no normal consolidation of authorities in Serbia and Yugoslavia – a conflict between two political groups and its uncertain outcome are inevitability that will mark the climax of the protracted Serbian political crisis. 
Even at some earlier stages Serbia would normally enter its elections in an absolute media turmoil. Almost from the very outset of his rule, Milosevic ensured absolute control over the leading media in the country, primarily RTV Serbia, the most influential daily Politika as well as a number of smaller magazines yet with large circulation such as Vecernje Novosti, Politika Ekspres, Dnevnik from Novi Sad and others. Despite this, however, there has always been at least a form of a smokescreen, suggesting a balanced number of pages or minutes reserved for the opponents whereas the influential Belgrade TV Studio B – now in the firm hands of the state – and independent B92 Radio – also taken over by the authorities – observed the standards of professional journalism, thereby allowing potential voters to learn objective information and decide for themselves how to cast their votes. In the eve of decisive elections 2000 and in the atmosphere of prevailing optimism as to the prospects of Democratic Opposition of Serbia and primarily their Presidential candidate Vojislav Kostunica, the situation is significantly different even in the media arena of a Serbia kept in dark and silence for years now. 
Reporting on the elections by the state-owned media - as well as those pro-Government oriented that are privately owned only pro forma - is entirely focused on the pre-elections campaign of the ruling coalition, primarily the SPS-JUL elections team, reconstruction of the country, unbalanced criticism of the rival opposition and assaults of the Montenegrin Government. In other words, the opposition hardly features in reports by the major regime-controlled media, apart from certain statements of theirs – deliberately decontextualised – that fit the pre-elections regime-created image of the opposition as treacherous, corrupted, non-patriotic, willing to sell the country or, in a word, NATO opposition, as it is exclusively referred to in the state-owned media.
On the other hand, the media that elude the state control – above all, Blic and Glas as dailies with the highest circulation rates, Vreme and Nin weeklies, as well as a number of independent local broadcasters – mostly cover activities of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia and report on their pre-elections rallies, agreements and the overall campaign, including statements and interviews by party leaders and representatives of NGOs with addition of research findings of various institutes and agencies - invariably presented rather visibly - that assert good elections prospects of the opposition. On a smaller scale but also without any unfavourable bias, these media cover activities by the ruling party representatives, mostly their press conferences and pre-elections rallies, rarely missing the opportunity to inspire the citizens to cast their votes at least by an odd comic or occasional photograph. 
Montenegrin dailies close to the Montenegrin authorites are effectively running an anti-elections campaign - although the authorities officially have stated their support only to the elections boycott - whereas the Dan daily promotes the elections, supporting the SPS-JUL coalition and Slobodan Milosevic as a Presidential candidate. 
As much as this media landscape of the pre-elections Serbia may appear complete, one should not disregard a fresh and most significant fact that has by and large been shaping the public opinion over the last two years: it is also undoubtedly contributing to quality information and balancing the propaganda by the state-owned media. Namely, the research findings indicate that independent, nongovernmental Blic has been the most popular daily in Serbia, beating the traditionally most popular Politika and Vecernje Novosti with standard higher circulation rate. According to the latest research done by Media Centre research team, the estimate is that 1,904,580 people in Serbia read Blic every day. Vecernje Novosti and Politika follow with 1,307,960 and 1,132,000 readers respectively whereas independent nongovernmental Glas Javnosti occupies the fourth place with 721,961 readers a day. Being aware of this ratio among the daily newspapers and the bearing that these two independent dailies beyond any doubt have, the Government has unsuccessfully employed various means on several occasions – ranging from the ban on paper import to brutal confiscation of the press – in order to terminate their publication.
Such environment has naturally fostered the determination of editors of state-owned dailies, subjugated to the regime, to go to the extremes in terms of editing policy and turn their papers into openly propagandist bulletins of the ruling parties. This can be illustrated with infinite number of examples. Having monitored Politika's reporting between 7th of August when the elections were announced, and 1st of September, the Media Centre research team learnt the following: Politika reported on the decisions and statements by the Democratic Opposition of Serbia very briefly and only three times in this time period – firstly, that the DOS decided that Kostunica would run for the President; secondly, it brought about a fragment of Kostunica's statement reproaching the Montenegrin Government for its decision, and finally, a statement by a DOS official criticising the policy of Serb Renewal Movement! By contrast, this newspaper is packed with headlines such as: 'No Elections Can Be Won By Traitors!', 'Voting for Separatist Parties Is Fatal for Peace', 'Soros' Servants', etc. every single day. 
The major broadcasters – primarily RTS, Studio B, TV Politika, BKTV, etc. – cannot boast any more professionalism. Monitoring of the timing devoted to the parties and Presidential candidates over only one preelections week led to next to unbelievable findings. RTV Serbia devoted 39.31% of the total programming time to the activities of the SPS-JUL coallition whereas the Democratic Opposition got only 9.95 %. It is worth bearing in mind that this timing is the timing of reports directly related to pre-elections party activities, disregarding those on reconstruction, health care achievements, the air of popular content and ever increasing number of countries that approve of, and even admire, the policy of Yugoslav Government. The ratio appears even more drastic with regards to Presidential candidates: RTS devoted 32.95 % of the total informative programming time to the direct coverage of Slobodan Milosevic's campaign in one single week. Another Presidential candidate Vojislav Kostunica, evidently a rising star, was not even mentioned! 
A reasonably better balanced ratio in the programming of a local TV in Nis testifies to somewhat more professional conduct of local independent TV broadcasters: while Vojislav Kostunica got 11.11% of the total programming time, Slobodan Milosevic did get 8.52%.
It is in this media landscape that the citizens of Serbia will cast their votes on 24th of September. These elections are special and different in another aspect as well. It is for the first time that the majority of voters is convinced that the opposition and its presidential candidate above all stand an actual chance of winning. But one outstanding dilemma remains: who will announce the victory?
Opinions of numerous analysts, politicians, journalists, public persons and ordinary citizens are divided as to the aftermath of elections and possible victory of the opposition. What however not even the greatest optimists even dare envisage is the title page of Politika on 25th of September reading the headline: 'Milosevic Lost the Elections'.
Perhaps this last assertion is most suggestive as to the aftermath of forthcoming elections in Serbia.

*  News

Oslobodjenje Daily reports that 32 broadcasters operate in the area of Tuzla Canton. Eight of those are TV stations and 24 are radio stations. All these are local media except the TV of Tuzla Canton that is registered as a cantonal broadcaster.
As to the newspapers, 23 of them are circulated in Tuzla Canton. No dailies are published in the canton. 

On the occasion of the Day of Oslobodjenje, 30th of August, the Executive and Editorial Boards of this daily awarded Oslobodjenje awards for year 2000. Nusret Banjanovic and Faruk Midzic were awarded the 30th August Award for lifetime achievement. Senka Kurtovic, Ramo Kolar and Azhar Kalamujic were awarded the Year 2000 Award. 

The RS National Assembly was supposed to discuss the draft Act on Public Information and draft Bill on RTRS on 7th September. However, both these drafts were withdrawn from the proceedings. Ostoja Kremenovic, the Speaker of the Assembly, states that this was necessary in order to discuss additionally certain aspects of the drafts.
On several occasions over the last two years the High Representative insisted on adoption of these two bills that should be harmonised with respective international standards. Due to the violation of deadlines, he imposed amendments and supplements to the Bill on RTRS in August last year: these made certain essential amendments to the previous law and renamed Srpska RTV to RTRS. 
 
 
 

If somebody interfere with your professional, journalistic work call SOS – open line for journalists - 078 213 442 Media Plan Banja Luka

Council:Media Plan Institute

Prof. Dr. Muhamed Nuhic, Hamza Baksic (Sarajevo); Perica Vucinis (Banja Luka); M.S. Lenart Setinc (Ljubljana); Prof. Dr. Mario Plenkovic (Zagreb); M.S. Loius de la Ronciere (Paris); M.S. Aleksandar Todorovic (Montreaux); Prof. Dr. Slavo Kukic (Mostar), Prof.Dr. Miroljub Radojkovic (Beograd).